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There are two facets to the question: the extent of the Persian presence in Anatolia, which was under Persian control for two centuries (and the concomitant question of the extant of Greek contact with Anatolia during this period); and the evidence for the importation of Persians and their cultural artifacts into Greece itself.

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Recent discoveries confirm an expectation that the imperial iconography developed at Persepolis and Susa was exported to the regional capitals (cf. ) Artaxerxes I from Daskyleion with the king enthroned surrounded by attendants confirms the probable role of glyptic in circulating Persian visual concepts (AMI 22, 1989, p. 1." href="/img/v11f3/Greece_ii_plate01.jpg"PLATE I; Kaptan; for some implications for visual communication, see Root).

Seidl): the Achaemenid-style procession relief sculptures at Medancıkkale, Cilicia (Davesne and Laroche-Traunecker), and the cloth-bearing processants painted in a tomb at Harta in Lydia (Özgen and Öztürk, p. For three generations in the Archaic period and again in the 4th century B. E., the Greek cities of Western Anatolia were part of the Persian Empire, although they never lost contact with the states of mainland Greece (Debord).

With its hunt and battle scenes featuring what looks to be a Persian leader, the new sarcophagus from Çan both links with elite Persian art elsewhere in western Anatolia and also suggests the sort of product on which the less prestigious funer-ary stelai were modelled for an often local population (Sevinç, forthcoming). Mandrokles’ painting of Darius’ review of his imperial army, dedicated at the Samian Heraion (Herodotus, 4.88), may truly be regarded as “Greco-Persian” art (Hölscher, p. Not until her 4th-century period of independence from Lycian control under the satrapal Hekatomnid dynasty does Achaemenid Caria have a strong archeological character. It is not always clear whether the Achaemenidizing features are merely iconographic borrowings from Persian imperial monuments, or “veristic representations of a Lycian society embued with Persian practise” (Bernard, p. While Thracian absorption of Greek ideas in architecture, dress, ornament and military equipment is stronger, in the 5th century B. The duration and extent of Persian direct control of Thrace is much debated (Archibald, pp. Concomitant adoption of Persian drinking customs and royal practise, notably gift-giving, is suspected (Archibald; Ebbinghaus; Zournatzi). Further west, several of the Greek cities in the Chalkidike minted coins in the late Archaic period (i.e., under Persian dominion) with what seem to be Achaemenid subjects: a lion attacking a boar or a bull, a subject well known from Persepolis, possibly a sort of insignia of royal power (Root, p. There has been no doubt that late-4th-century Macedon responded to the influx of spoils from the campaigns of Alexander. Moreover, a dining couch with glass frit Achaemenid turned legs excavated from a cist tomb at Pella of about 300 B. A segment of the interior painting on a tomb of about 300 B. Perhaps actual spoils are preserved: a glass deep bowl of around 350-25 B. 645-46, for two silver-protome rhyta identified as Greek; Miller, 1997, pp. It should be noted that despite this phenomenon, the bulk of Attic and Greek ceramic remained unchanged. E.; often an “intentional red” finish was added to the horizontally-fluted bowl, yielding a bichrome effect (PLATE VI; Kassel, Staatliche Kunstsemmlungen Inv. All appear to have been imports from the Persian East, together with the slave that carried them, and were introduced for Athenian women, in contrast to the oriental model.

Wooden paintings without provenience but similarly decorated perhaps also derive from the region (Calmeyer, 1992). G15a); and others depict hoplites killing a pointed-hat Scythian archer (Cook, Cat. The Hekatomnid dynasty moved its seat of power from Mylasa to Halikarnassos and, late in the period, intermarried with Persians (Ada II married Orontobares). 285); or, yet again, Anatolian royal traits that were simply shared with Persia. 79-90), but it was in some sense responsible for the local development of coinage (Picard, 2000). 85, 103, 179-84); the 4th-century florescence of Thracian silver vessels imitated Persian shallow and deep bowls and animal-head rhyta (Archibald, pp. The main painted frieze in the 3rd-century tomb at Kazanlak, both by theme (procession) and in the detail of the Achaemenid turned legs on the silver-plated throne, supports such an interpretation (Shivkova, pl. Among the Greek cities of the north Propontis can be found Perinthos, which yielded a funerary stele with Greek inscriptions but in the Perso-Anatolian manner and style (Şahin; Asgari, Cat. 236), and suspected of religious symbolism (Kraay, pp. Traces are found especially in luxury toreutic from roughly mid-4th to mid-3rd century (Pfrommer, pp. 36-42); the Macedonians characteristically added a head on the omphalos of the deep bowl (Barr-Sharrar 1982, pp. The Achaemenid deep bowl with its characteristic offset everted rim and various surface treatments (horizontal fluting and lobes) was the preferred model for imitation and adaptation. The evidence is largely iconographic with some support from literary sources.

The study of such receptivity is beset by a variety of problems relating to the fact that it is perforce based on archeological evidence for regions that are as yet imperfectly known.

The near-complete dependency on the material record may re-sult in an imbalanced picture.

Nonetheless, enough now survives from excavation and repatriated tomb materials to show that Sardis (and Lydia) under the Persians was highly acculturated to the Achaemenid model (Dusinberre, 2002). Although no Old Persian inscriptions have yet been found at Sardis, Aramaic is well represented. The unique tomb at Taş Kule near Phokaia has Persian elements, suggesting that it was either for a Persian from early in the period, or for an Achaemenidizing local leader (Cahill). Neither Daskyleion nor Sardis can be said to show greater receptivity to East Greek culture. Alexander the Great is said by the sources to have learned much from the Persians that he conquered (e.g., Court protocol: Curtius, 8.5.5-24, Plutarch, 45, Arrian, 4.9.9). Susanne Ebbinghaus, “Between Greece and Per-sia: Rhyta in Thrace from the Late 5th to the Early 3rd Centuries B. The following is organised from most to least tangible. The most long-lived contribution of Achaemenid toreutic to the Greek repertoire was the use of fluting, grooving, and petal-grooving as surface decorations (PLATE IX; Athens, Agora Excavations, Inv. P18288 [left] and P 10980); they had hitherto been largely unknown in the archaic Greek tradition and became a permanent, if not a universal, component. It is not clear whether they were imported or a local imitation (Arvanitopoulos; Dentzer, 1969, pp. It has been argued that the Athenian acropolis as a whole represents a deliberate mid-5th-century response to the Persian imperial center at Persepolis (Lawrence). Nonetheless, iconographic and epigraphic evidence indicate that a number of foreign clothing types entered the wardrobe of the elite Athenian women and occasionally men in the 5th century B. The specific garments that can be identified include the , a tunic-like overgarment, worn by women over their chiton, and by men over a short chiton or alone (the patterned garment on PLATE XIII, Bologna Musico civico, Inv. The sleeved chiton contrasts strikingly with the Greek clothing repertoire, where anything like tailoring is anathema (garments were worn as removed from the loom, with the addition of pins and belts to secure them). The Persian , though rarely attested in art for Athenian wear, figures prominently in the votive offerings by Athenian women of used clothing at the sanctuary of Artemis of Brauron (PLATE XIII, above; Linders; Knauer, pp. Nonetheless, the preference for elaborately decorated textiles in the later 5th century Attic red figure painting has been linked with a new taste for “foreign textiles” as a result of trade and booty in this period (von Lorentz; Miller, 1997, pp. The extent to which physical luxury pertained in classical Athens is a matter of some debate, but despite the claims of ancient authors and the general silence of the archeological record, there is evidence to suggest that the Persian East provided models for new mechanisms of expression of social hierarchy in classical Athens, and perhaps elsewhere in mainland Greece as well.

Possible evidence for intermarriage can later be found in the mixture of Lydian, Greek, and Persian names on a 4th-century list of residents of Sardis (the “sacrilege inscription”: Hanfmann; cf. Evidence for Zoroastrian funerary ritual at Gelenbe in western Lydia has been claimed (L’vov-Basirov). The first traces of Persian presence in Daskyleion (Ergili) appear in the late 6th century B. There is now evidence for Milesian marble-workers at Daskyleion in the late archaic period, which points to a rich cultural mix at the site (Bakır, 1997, p. Epigraphical evidence shows the use of Aramaic, Lydian, and Greek in addition to Phrygian, and sealings bear Old Persian and Babylonian inscriptions (Bakır, 2001). E., a horizontally-fluted glass beaker, two silver deep bowls, and two silver phialai (Ignatiadou; Themelis and Touratsoglou, Cat. B 45, B12-13 and B18-19); and from Pydna a gem and a conoidal stamp seal (Paspalas, 2000b, n. A Persian-type horse bit was excavated at Olynthos (Donder, p. Iconographically, the most telling indication is the report that in his funeral cortege was suspended a representation of Alexander enthroned and holding a sceptre, surrounded by Macedonian and Persian guards (Diodorus, 18.26.3); this may owe something to Perso-Anatolian funerary practice as well as to the Achaemenid imperial vision (Root, p. The extent to which Macedon responded to Persian material culture before Alexander, inspired perhaps by diplomatic gifts and the regalia of high-status exiles, remains less clear (Barr-Sharrar, 1986; Themelis and Touratsoglou, pp. An Achaemenid glass phiale from the Sanctuary of Demeter at Dion with a deposi-tion date of the 5th century verifies that Achaemenid goods did earlier make their way to Macedon (Ignatiadou p. Macedonian emulation of the Achaemenid deep bowl in silver had evidently begun already by the mid-4th century (Pfrommer pp. Indeed, Perso-Anatolian monumental tomb practice has been thought to have contributed to the monumentalization of Macedonian tombs at a crucial period (Paspalas, 2000b, p. The receptivity to Achaemenid Persia is manifested in discrete spheres of production, doubtless a reflection of the modes of contact and the specific range of cultural values implied: luxury toreutic, textiles, imperial imagery. The clearest evidence of Greek receptivity to the material culture of the Achaemenid Empire comes from ceramic material, most especially fine ware fabrics with a plain black gloss finish. Some derivative surface treatments are also visible in Boeotian and Elean (Peloponnesos) wares. Moreover, the frieze around the cella of the Parthenon, with its timeless rendering of the Panathenaic festival procession, both in entire conception and in occasional detail, is sometimes compared with Persian procession friezes, though its rich multivalency precludes a single line of interpretation (Kyrieleis, pp. Attested both in epigraphical sources and iconographically from about 440, they must reflect a foreign, possibly Persian, garment (PLATE XIV, Paris, Musée du Louvre, Inv. The traditional Greek economy relied largely on subsistence agriculture, with some assistance from trade based on a range of manufactured goods.

It is uncertain to what extent Greeks and even Western Anatolians were informed observers of Persian material culture, able to distinguish closely the lands and peoples (especially the Iranian peoples) of the empire.

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